The Atlanta Journal-Constitution Last Edition

How America Lost Its Local Newspapers

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution printed its final newspaper on December 31, 2025, marking the end of a 157-year tradition and making Atlanta the first major American city without a daily printed newspaper. The historic closure crystallizes a nationwide crisis that has accelerated dramatically over the past two decades, fundamentally reshaping how Americans receive local news and information about their communities.

A Nation of News Deserts

The numbers tell a stark story of collapse. Since 2005, more than 3,200 newspapers have vanished across the United States, disappearing at a rate exceeding two per week. The Medill Local News Initiative at Northwestern University documented that fewer than 1,000 daily newspapers remain in operation nationwide as of 2025, down from 1,472 in 2005. Of the roughly 5,600 newspapers still publishing, 80 percent are now weeklies rather than dailies.

The human cost is equally devastating. The journalism workforce has contracted by 73 percent since 2005, with more than 266,000 newspaper jobs eliminated. Newsroom positions specifically—editors and reporters who gather and produce the news—declined by more than 60 percent, dropping below 100,000 positions for the first time in decades according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Research from Muck Rack and Rebuild Local News found that the ratio of journalists to population has plummeted approximately 75 percent in less than 25 years, from roughly 40 journalists per 100,000 residents to just 8.2. More than 1,000 U.S. counties—one out of three—now lack even the equivalent of one full-time local journalist.

The 2025 Medill State of Local News Report revealed that 213 counties have become complete news deserts with no local news source whatsoever, up from about 150 twenty years ago. Another 1,524 counties have only one remaining news outlet. Combined, some 50 million Americans now have limited to no access to local news—roughly one-fifth of the nation's population.

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SIDEBAR: When Journalism Failed: The Richard Jewell Case

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution's complicated legacy includes one of the most infamous episodes of journalistic excess in modern American history—its coverage of security guard Richard Jewell during the 1996 Olympic Park bombing investigation.

On July 27, 1996, Jewell discovered a backpack containing pipe bombs at Centennial Olympic Park during the Summer Olympics. He alerted authorities and helped evacuate the area, potentially saving dozens of lives when the bomb exploded at 1:20 a.m., killing one woman and injuring 111 others.

For three days, Jewell was hailed as a hero. Then, on July 30, the Atlanta Journal published a front-page story with the headline: "FBI Suspects 'Hero' Guard May Have Planted Bomb." Reporters Kathy Scruggs and Ron Martz wrote that Jewell "fits the profile of the lone bomber," describing that profile as "a frustrated white man who is a former police officer, member of the military or police 'wanna-be' who seeks to become a hero."

The story, based on unnamed law enforcement sources, triggered a media feeding frenzy. News outlets camped outside Jewell's apartment, with four major networks reportedly paying a neighbor $1,000 per day to use her apartment for surveillance. Columnists and commentators presumed guilt. The New York Post called him "a Village Rambo" and "a fat, failed former sheriff's deputy." Late-night host Jay Leno mocked his appearance. Atlanta Journal-Constitution columnist Dave Kindred compared him to convicted serial killer Wayne Williams.

The FBI investigation continued for months without producing any evidence against Jewell. In October 1996, U.S. Attorney Kent Alexander issued an unprecedented letter clearing Jewell, stating he was no longer a suspect. In 1997, Attorney General Janet Reno formally apologized.

The actual bomber, anti-abortion extremist Eric Rudolph, confessed in 2005 to planting the bomb as well as attacking abortion clinics and a lesbian nightclub. He is serving multiple life sentences.

Jewell filed libel lawsuits against NBC, CNN, the New York Post, and the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. Most cases settled for undisclosed amounts. A Georgia appellate court ruled that Jewell was a "limited-purpose public figure" because of interviews he gave after being initially praised as a hero, requiring him to prove "actual malice" in his defamation claims—a higher legal standard.

The case became a cautionary tale about "trial by media" and the dangers of reporting speculation as fact. Clint Eastwood's 2019 film "Richard Jewell" dramatized the ordeal, though it controversially depicted reporter Kathy Scruggs as trading sex for information—a claim the newspaper vigorously disputed as having no factual basis.

Ironically, as the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's own reporting later acknowledged, it was AJC reporter Bill Rankin who provided the first major break in Jewell's favor. In August 1996, Rankin walked from the pay phones where the bomb threat was called to the park and timed it at four minutes and 45 seconds—demonstrating it would have been nearly impossible for Jewell to have made the call and returned in time to "discover" the bomb as the FBI theory required.

Jewell worked in law enforcement for the rest of his life and died of heart disease in 2007 at age 44. On each anniversary of the bombing until his death, he privately placed a rose at the park where victim Alice Hawthorne died.

The case remains a reminder that even essential institutions like newspapers, while vital to democracy, are fallible and can cause tremendous harm when they fail to meet their own standards. It underscores why the loss of professional newsrooms with experienced editors and rigorous fact-checking processes is not simply an economic story, but one with profound implications for justice and accountability.

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The Economic Death Spiral

The collapse stems from a fundamental transformation in how news is consumed and monetized. Digital platforms, particularly Google and Facebook, have captured the advertising revenue that once sustained local newspapers. Web traffic to the 100 largest newspapers has plummeted more than 45 percent in just the past four years, according to Medill analysis of Comscore data.

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution's transition illustrates the economic pressures. Despite having about 115,000 total subscribers, only 40,000 remained print subscribers. Publisher Andrew Morse, a former CNN executive who took over in 2023, acknowledged the print edition was still profitable after the paper outsourced printing to Gainesville, Georgia in 2021. However, he told The New York Times that print was "not going to be where audiences engage with us" and "not where advertisers want to be."

The newspaper eliminated approximately 30 jobs with the closure of its print operation and shifted entirely to digital platforms. Morse set an ambitious target of 500,000 online subscribers by 2026, partnering with the Georgia Public Library Service to provide free digital access to nearly 5 million library cardholders across 60 systems statewide.

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SIDEBAR: The Monopoly Problem: When One Paper Controls the Narrative

Many communities still are served by print dailies, but are down to only one. The San Diego Union-Tribune being the sole daily newspaper reflects a fundamental challenge facing communities across America: when newspaper competition disappears, so does the diversity of viewpoints that healthy democracies require.

The consolidation of local news has created what media historians call "monopoly journalism"—situations where a single owner controls the flow of information between a community and its citizens. As media historian Eli Noam notes in his book "Media Ownership and Concentration in America," discussions of media concentration are not new, but the problem has intensified dramatically in recent decades.

By the 1970s, during what many consider American newspapers' heyday, 98 percent of them were local monopolies. Some companies achieved operating margins between 20 and 40 percent. Former Gannett chairman Al Neuharth reportedly called owning a monopoly newspaper "a license to steal," explaining that it controlled "the flow of information between a retail merchant and the customers."

Today, just 10 companies control a quarter of all U.S. newspapers and more than half of all dailies, according to the 2025 Medill State of Local News Report. Three of these large chains—Alden Global Capital, Lee Enterprises, and CNHI—are partially or fully owned by private equity groups or hedge funds. The largest owner, Gannett, is publicly traded but has major investment fund shareholders including Alta Fundamental Advisors and Apollo Management Holdings.

The content effects of this consolidation are measurable. The Medill researchers reviewed 500 outlets from the five largest chain owners and found that, on average, one-third of homepage content originates from outside sources such as adjacent metro publications or national wire services rather than original local reporting. Articles, stories, and headlines are often recycled from other outlets within the larger chain.

But the deeper concern goes beyond recycled content to editorial bias and the selectivity of coverage. Research has documented that media bias manifests in various forms: event selection (which stories get covered at all), tone, framing, and word choice. Even well-intentioned journalists must be selective given the vast number of events happening at any moment, and this selectivity can result in perceived or real bias.

Wake Forest University economics professors Tommy Leung and Koleman Strumpf found in their 2024 research that media consolidation observed over the past decade "might exacerbate media bias. With fewer competitors in the media market, the reduced competition likely contributes to the heightened media bias prevalent today." Their study implies that competition among news outlets helps reduce bias—when both The New York Times and Wall Street Journal cover the same news, for instance, readers benefit from competing perspectives.

In single-newspaper towns, several problems emerge:

Owner and Advertiser Influence: Monopoly newspapers can be subject to the biases, whims, and special interests of their owners, who often have powerful friends and business associates in the community. Whether directly or indirectly, owners may influence reporters and editors to slant stories in particular directions. Some topics or individuals may become "sacred cows" that never appear critically in the local paper's columns.

Limited Governmental Accountability: When only one newspaper covers city hall, county government, school boards, and local courts, officials know they face limited scrutiny. Research has linked newspaper closures to increased municipal bond offering yields—a proxy for anticipated corruption—as the monitoring function of journalism disappears.

Political Viewpoint Homogeneity: Research published in The International Journal of Press/Politics in 2024 examined the relationship between media ownership and political viewpoint diversity. While findings are complex, ownership concentration tends to reduce the range of political perspectives presented to communities, with consequences for civic discourse and voter information.

Corporate Bias: The AFL-CIO noted in its analysis of media monopolies that "corporate dominance of local markets has translated into less public-interest reporting on consumer, environmental, minority and labor affairs, as media owners play to their bottom line—reduced costs—and their business advertisers."

Reduced Coverage of Controversial Topics: Studies have found that when newspapers face no local competition, they often scale back coverage of controversial local issues that might alienate advertisers or powerful community interests. As one media scholar noted, without diverse and antagonistic news sources, broad-based coverage of vital state and local issues contracts.

The problem extends beyond traditional bias to what researchers call "pink slime" journalism. NewsGuard, a misinformation tracking company, identified at least 1,265 websites funded by political donors (mostly but not entirely conservative) that masquerade as local news sites. These outnumber the 1,213 daily local newspapers that remained in 2024, creating a landscape where partisan propaganda can fill the vacuum left by legitimate local journalism.

For readers in communities served by a single newspaper, media literacy experts recommend several strategies:

• Diversify news consumption by reading multiple sources, including national outlets with local bureaus
• Cross-check important local stories against other available sources
• Attend public meetings personally when possible to verify coverage (many government bodies offer online participation.)
• Support nonprofit and digital startup news organizations that may provide alternative coverage
• Recognize that all journalism involves selection and framing—no source is perfectly objective

As First Amendment scholar C. Edwin Baker argued in "Media Concentration and Democracy: Why Ownership Matters," when ownership of news services falls into the hands of very few persons, freedom of speech and press can be threatened. Since Alexis de Tocqueville observed in the 1830s that America's democratic spirit rested in part on the many newspapers dotting the country, the principle has remained constant: diversity of ownership serves as a proxy for diversity of opinion and a vibrant marketplace of ideas.

In communities like San Diego where a single daily newspaper remains, citizens must be more vigilant consumers of news, more active in civic life, and more willing to seek out alternative sources of information. The loss of newspaper competition doesn't just represent an economic change—it fundamentally alters the information ecosystem upon which local democracy depends.

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Beyond Lost Jobs: Democratic and Economic Consequences

Academic research has documented far-reaching consequences that extend well beyond journalism employment. A 2024 study in Contemporary Accounting Research by researchers from George Mason University, Peking University, University of Hong Kong, and Central University of Finance and Economics examined 6,482 bank loans to businesses near closed newspapers.

The findings were striking: businesses located within 50 miles of a newspaper closure faced loan interest rates approximately 30.24 basis points higher than comparable businesses farther away. For an average loan of $119 million over 40 months, this translates to roughly $1.2 million in additional interest costs. The effect was most pronounced for firms with poor accounting quality and weaker financial oversight, suggesting newspapers play a critical monitoring role in local business communities.

Other research has linked newspaper closures to increased municipal bond offering yields, suggesting higher anticipated corruption, and to decreased civic engagement and increased political polarization. Studies have found that communities losing newspapers see reduced voter participation, particularly in local elections where knowledge of candidates and issues matters most.

The Double Blow: Public Broadcasting Defunded

The crisis intensified dramatically in 2025 when Congress voted to rescind $1.1 billion in federal funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting that had been appropriated through fiscal year 2027. President Donald Trump signed the rescissions package into law in July, and the CPB announced in August it would wind down operations and eliminate nearly all of its roughly 100 staff positions by September 30.

The defunding particularly devastated rural and underserved communities. While NPR receives less than 2 percent of its revenue from federal sources and PBS receives about 15 percent, many local public radio and television stations depend far more heavily on CPB grants. More than 400 public broadcasting employees have been laid off at stations nationwide according to tracking by former NPR employee Alex Curley.

South Dakota Public Broadcasting slashed its newsroom from 11 journalists to just four and canceled its signature daily public affairs show "In the Moment." Small stations like KEET-TV in Eureka, California stand to lose $847,000—nearly half their operating budget. General Manager David Gordon told reporters he couldn't guarantee the station would survive.

The Medill 2025 report noted that defunding of public broadcasting could worsen the news desert problem significantly, as public radio and television stations often serve as the only sources of local news in rural communities that have already lost their newspapers.

Legislative Responses and Digital Startups

State legislatures have attempted various interventions. New York enacted a journalism jobs tax credit in its 2025 budget providing $30 million in credits annually over three years, covering half of a journalist's salary up to $50,000 for up to twelve positions, with an additional $4 million for subsidies of up to $5,000 per new hire.

Illinois followed with similar legislation, passing a state budget bill in May 2024 that included $25 million in employment tax credits for journalists in local newsrooms as part of the Strengthening Community Media Act. California's Assembly Bill 886, the California Journalism Preservation Act, would require major tech platforms to compensate news publishers for content usage and passed the Senate Appropriations Committee in early 2025.

At the federal level, the Journalism Competition and Preservation Act has been reintroduced multiple times with bipartisan sponsorship from Senators Amy Klobuchar and John Kennedy. The legislation would allow news organizations with fewer than 1,500 employees to collectively negotiate with large online platforms over compensation for content usage. Despite passing the Senate Judiciary Committee 15-7 in the previous Congress, the bill has not advanced to a full vote.

The Medill research documented more than 300 local news startups launched in the past five years, with 80 percent being digital-only outlets. However, the growth has been uneven: nearly 90 percent of new digital sites are located in metropolitan areas rather than the rural communities most affected by newspaper closures. Additionally, the count of new digital outlets includes 30 newspapers that converted from print to digital rather than representing entirely new sources of information.

A Restructured Information Landscape

The transformation has created what researchers describe as "journalism haves and have-nots." Metropolitan areas increasingly have multiple digital news sources, while rural and economically struggling communities—those arguably most in need of accountability journalism—face growing information scarcity.

The industry is also seeing consolidation into national networks. The 2025 Medill report counted 849 local news sites across 54 separate networks, up 14 percent from 742 sites across 23 networks the previous year. This represents a shift from independent local ownership to network models that may provide resources but potentially reduce local editorial autonomy.

Some traditional print publications have found alternative models. Decaturish, which covers the Atlanta suburb of Decatur, started online but launched a weekly print edition after being purchased by a suburban publisher. Editor Dan Whisenhunt noted some advertisers still prefer print: "They're going to spend that money on print and they might as well spend it with us."

Even as digital news proliferates in some markets, the fundamental challenge remains: most digital operations have not yet found sustainable business models to support robust newsrooms at the scale newspapers once maintained. As Tasneem Raja, editor-in-chief of Oaklandside, told Medill researchers: "It used to be profitable to do this work. It's no longer profitable in the same ways. That doesn't mean that this public good, this public service, is no longer needed."

The closing of the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's print operation on New Year's Eve 2025 thus represents not just the end of a historic newspaper, but a symbol of journalism's ongoing struggle to adapt to economic and technological forces that continue to reshape American democracy's information infrastructure in fundamental and still uncertain ways.

 

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